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The preferred modus operandi of the UDA was individual killings of civilian targets in nationalist areas, rather than large-scale bomb or mortar attacks. The UDA employed various codewords whenever they claimed their attacks. Since the ceasefire, the UDA has been accused of taking vigilante action against alleged drug dealers, including tarring and feathering a man on the Taughmonagh estate in south Belfast.
The UDA has also been riddled by its own internecine warfare, with self-styled "brigadiers" and former figures of power and influence, such as Johnny Adair and Jim Gray themselves bitter rivals , falling rapidly in and out of favour with the rest of the leadership. Gray and John Gregg are amongst those to have been killed during the internal strife. On 22 February , the UDA announced a "month period of military inactivity".
Following an August Sunday World article that poked fun at the gambling losses of one of its leaders, the UDA banned the sale of the newspaper from shops in areas it controls. Shops that defy the ban have suffered arson attacks, and at least one newsagent was threatened with death. On 20 June , the UDA expelled Andre Shoukri and his brother Ihab , two of its senior members who were heavily involved in organised crime. Some saw this as a sign that the UDA was slowly coming away from crime.
On 11 November the UDA announced that the Ulster Freedom Fighters would be stood down from midnight of the same day,  with its weapons "being put beyond use" although it stressed that these would not be decommissioned.
Although the group expressed a willingness to move from criminal activity to "community development," the IMC said it saw little evidence of this move because of the views of its members and the lack of coherence in the group's leadership as a result of its decentralised structure. While the report indicated the leadership intends to move towards its stated goals, factionalism hindered this change and was the strongest hindrance to progress.
Although most loyalist actions were curtailed since the IMC's previous report, most of loyalist paramilitary activity was coming from the UDA. The IMC report concluded that the leadership's willingness to change has resulted in community tension and the group would continue to be monitored, although "the mainstream UDA still has some way to go.
On 6 January , the UDA announced that it had put its weapons "verifiably beyond use". Chastelain stated that the decommissioning included arms, ammunition, explosives and explosive devices and the UDA stated that the arms "constitute the totality of those under their control". This area naturally also continues to use the "UDA" title in its name, although it too expressed willingness to move towards "community development. A clear distinction between the factions was not available in the 20th IMC report, as this was the first report to differentiate between the two.
In the s the group favoured Northern Ireland independence , but they have retreated from this position. The document advocated a power-sharing assembly involving both nationalists and unionists, an agreed constitution and new Bill of Rights.
It is not clear, however, whether this programme was adopted by the UDA as their official policy. It finally dissolved itself in following very limited electoral success and internal difficulties. It is currently represented on the Belfast City Council. In early January , the UDA released a document calling for ethnic cleansing and repartition , with the goal of making Northern Ireland wholly Protestant.
A Case for Repartition although it did not call for ethnic cleansing. He claims that members of these groups helped to smuggle weapons for the UDA.
Ian S Wood 's book Crimes of Loyalty: The links may not have been politically motivated, but for mutually beneficial arms deals. It was perceived that any open co-operation between the UDA and the LVF would anger the UVF, something which proved to be the case in following years and resulted in a loyalist feud.
The UDA operated a devolved structure of leadership, each with a brigadier representing one of its six "brigade areas". The UDA's six "brigade areas" were:. In addition to these six core brigades two others may have existed. A seventh Mid-Ulster Brigade is mentioned by Steve Bruce as having existed for part of the UDA's history  although Henry McDonald and Jim Cusack characterise this as a "battalion" rather than a brigade and suggest that its rural location prevented it from fully developing.
The security forces infiltrated this brigade almost immediately and in arrested almost its entire membership, ninety people in all. Six members received particularly lengthy prison sentences for their involvement in UDA activities in Perth and the Scottish Brigade quietly disappeared.
Jim 'Doris Day' Gray —East Belfast —   An unlikely figure in Northern Ireland loyalism, the openly bi-sexual  Gray was a controversial figure in the organisation until his death on 4 October He supported the leadership against Johnny Adair and has been associated with the magazine 'Warrior', which makes the case for Ulster Independence.
The son of an Egyptian father and a Northern Irish mother, he was expelled from the UDA in following allegations of criminality. When asked by the BBC in prison if he regretted anything about the shooting, his reply was "only that I didn't succeed. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Redirected from Ulster Freedom Fighters. Ulster loyalism Protestantism British unionism Right-wing politics Ulster nationalism briefly.
Northern Ireland mostly Republic of Ireland. Timeline of Ulster Defence Association actions. Retrieved 28 March Abstracts of Organisations - 'U ' ". A very short introduction. Oxford University Press, Retrieved 10 January Retrieved 15 March Between the late s and , the UDA carried out more than killings, the victims of which were mainly Catholic civilians. Retrieved 16 June Retrieved 26 May Archived from the original on 25 June The Herald via HighBeam Research.
Retrieved 14 May Political murder in Northern Ireland. Deadlier Than the Male: Penguin Ireland, , p.